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BP , parallel to the development of the Badegoulian traditions in the adjacent areas. The current scarcity or absence of Badegoulian sites throughout the Pyrenees fits well with this establishing of a cultural geography on the scale of South-Western France. However, the radiometric data used to support this model are currently questioned, while the age of the excavations on the LGM Pyrenees sequences and the impact of geomorphological processes on their degree of conservation can cause a skewed vision of this phenomenon.

BP , our research focused on the gorges of the Save. This canyon, carved in the limestone of the Pre-Pyrenees, has recorded a long-term and continuous human occupation thanks to several sequences from caves and rockshelters. Besides layers from the historical periods, it reveals one of the longest Upper Palaeolithic sequences, comprised at least between the Early Solutrean and the Azilian. In the early s the Upper Solutrean industries and faunal remains from layer D were reassessed by two of us P. In , these elements led us to set up a new reassessment project with the aim of 1 evaluating the existence of a Badegoulian component in layer D, 2 carrying out a technological analysis of the Solutrean component to complete the typological and lithological data previously acquired, 3 searching for technological evidence of these two technocomplexes in the osseous industries and 4 renewing the radiometric framework through direct dating of several characteristic antler and bone waste products.

This work allowed us to confirm and enlarge the heterogeneity of the layer D assemblage: If the question of the early expressions of this cultural tradition i. Based on the comparison of the new AMS 14C dates with the most reliable data available in south-western France, we finally propose an alternative archaeostratigraphic framework of the Pyrenean LGM occupations that restores the role of the Badegoulian in regional palaeohistory and demonstrates a significant aging of the end of the Upper Solutrean circa 23 ky cal.

These encouraging results should be supplemented by further analysis and will ultimately allow discussion of the nature and rhythm of the French Solutreo-Badegoulian transition outside the area of the classical definition of these two cultural traditions. Last Glacial Maximum, Pre-Pyrenees, Solutrean, Badegoulian, lithic and osseous industries, radiocarbon dating, cultural geography. Entre et , M. The site consists of a succession of two rockshelters and a site at the foot of a cliff.

Our study concerns the largest shelter Abri 1 which was excavated by R. Between and , M. Lenoir excavated its terrace which delivered substantial archaeological vestiges lithic and osseous industries, fauna, colouring substances, portable art attributed at the time to the Middle Magdalenian. The EMM reflects a veritable geocultural mosaic structured by three facies based on osseous and lithic industries: These facies overlap chronologically and geographically, thus leading to the questioning of the validity of exclusive cultures defined from such facies.

Moreover, what is the place of EMM sites that have not delivered any of the classic markers? This is the case of Moulin-Neuf Abri 1, Lenoir excavations which is located at the geographical and chronological interface of the different facies. Furthermore, none of the classic markers have been identified on the site. We suggest crossing petro-archaeological and techno-economical approaches. The objective is not only to complete our vision of a typological territory but also to provide a dynamic vision of the management of supply areas for lithic raw materials.

We therefore propose to determine the origin of the flints and identify the methods of exploitation inside or outside the site in order to better understand the occupations of Moulin-Neuf and replace them within the EMM geocultural territory. The taphonomic and archaeostratigraphic review of the deposit led us to consider all the EMM layers as a palimpsest of several occupations. On the other hand, the economic vocation of the supports is different. The polyfunctional blades were selected to be turned into tools mainly burins and retouched blades.

Bladelets were produced in a variety of ways prismatic or pyramidal cores, flakes knapped on the edge. The dimensions of the microliths are relatively standardized and, typologically, they are represented by several morphotypes simple backed bladelets, retouched or truncated backed bladelets. This study highlights the wide range of raw materials found at Moulin-Neuf. We identified ten different flint types: The proportion of indeterminate artefacts is Blades made of good-quality materials were more frequently selected for the manufacturing of tools.

These were either produced locally or brought to the site in the form of blanks or tools. For lamellar production and the manufacture of microliths, there is greater adaptability to the local material of variable quality and a smaller selection of materials from elsewhere. The "litho-espace" sensu Delvigne, of Moulin-Neuf is the same as that of Roc-de-Marcamps 2 with scalene bladelets and is similar to that of Combe-Cullier also with scalene bladelets.

From a "litho-espace" point of view, Moulin-Neuf seems to fit well into the EMM with scalene bladelets and presents obvious relations with the south of the Paris Basin and probably the sites belonging to the Lussac-Angles facies La Marche, Roc-aux-Sorciers, Taillis des Coteaux and the shuttle facies La Garenne. These unpublished results do not show a clear territorial border between Poitou and the Pyrenees but rather complex networks for the circulation of lithic raw materials. Moulin-Neuf seems to be located at a major crossroads in these networks.

The distribution of a similar "litho-espace" between the various entities of the Early Middle Magdalenian leads us to question the partitioning of the EMM groups into exclusive 'facies'. Early Middle Magdalenian, archaeostratigraphy, lithic technology, petro-archaeology, raw material economy, Chalosse flint, Upper Paleolithic, Aquitaine, South-Western France. As part of the archaeological surveys carried out during work on the western by-pass of Bergerac, an Azilian site covering m2 was investigated. It was established on a slight rise in the alluvial plain of the Dordogne river, no longer visible in the landscape.

The excavations examined two loci, each with a burnt-stone hearth structure, and yielded 1, lithic artefacts. This is a low number compared with the numerous sites for the whole of the Late Palaeolithic. Azilian open-air sites are quite rare in this area in comparison with occupations in caves or shelters Niederlender et al. While the site of Les Pinelles Prigonrieux, dordogne is not lacking problems, in particular from a taphonomical point of view, it provides an interesting contribution to document the techno-economical behaviour of Azilian societies in South-Western France.

We will focus on the lithic industry discovered in locus B. This area delivered a hearth structure, dated by 14C Fy 80 , in association with lithic remains. We will furthermore try to demonstrate that most of the lithic remains discovered in other parts of the site are also contemporaneous with the Azilian settlement. In spite of more recent disturbances modern, medieval and Neolithic , the lithic industry is coherent and for the most part contemporaneous with the late Azilian.

Productions made from the local raw material was particularly opportunistic and not hierarchical from a technological point of view. Senonian flint, collected in the immediate environment, was exclusively exploited with a hard hammerstone on a uni or bipolar knapping surface.

For both raw materials, the production of flakes and laminar flakes dominated. The Bergeracois flint was brought in as already exploited blocks, as demonstrated by the lack of cortical flakes. The hearth structure is one of the originalities of the site: These two sites were also occupied on several occasions during the Azilian. Finally, the lithic industry from Les Pinelles belongs to the same cultural trend as the closest sites but also those outside the south-western area.

The exploitation of the excellent Bergeracois flint is one of the originalities of the site. The difference with the strictly local flint Senonian can be explained by the very low quality of the Senonian flint. For a better understanding from an economic point of view we hope for the future discovery of a better preserved sites in this region. The example of Les Pinelles suggests the homogeneity of Azilian technical behaviour in south-western France. In other contexts, the data available at present point towards a technological diversity that the chronological difference does not totally explain Mevel and Bodu, in press.

Final Paleolithic, Late Azilian, Dordogne, lithic technology, open-air settlement, geomorphology, hearth structure. In Western Europe, the definition of the Mesolithic as a period has mainly been based on a typological approach of the lithic industry. In comparison, common tools appear to be less typical and poorly represented in the assemblages. Therefore, their role in cultural and economic debates has been under-represented for most of the time. However, this aspect has been unevenly discussed depending on the different specialists and it is quite difficult to compare the published data, primarily because morphological typology shows its limits when it comes to interpreting these assumed tools on a cultural and economic perspective.

Our body of research included several sites from the Early Mesolithic located in the Paris Basin and Northern Belgium: An exhaustive study of these assemblages, concerning both the common tools and the hundreds of unmodified blanks, has confirmed a massive use of unretouched tools: This result, with a higher proportion of used tools than expected, leads us to question the methodological accuracy of the classical approaches which seem inappropriate to identify and interpret these tools.

Use-wear analysis should be integrated in the initial study phases in order to obtain a precise typology and a better understanding of the lithic reduction strategy. Concerning these typological aspects, it has been possible to identify some new tool types, only defined by specific use-wear traces and the morphology of their active edges. Moreover, this methodology can contribute to the cultural and economic debates which are motivating Mesolithic archaeology in Northern France and Belgium. In this regard, the used zones identified on the artefacts in the six assemblages studied allow us to identify the original management of natural resources during the Early Mesolithic.

Of course, activities concerning the processing of animal materials are well-represented, including hide scraping, but the variability and the intensity of the use-wear stigmata are clearly limited. In particular, the low frequency of bone working, associated with the scarcity of dry hide cutting, could indicate a lower investment in these domains than during the Upper and Final Palaeolithic.

This relative disaffection for animal materials could be explained by the increase of plant exploitation. This new investment in plant-based handicraft, allowed by the climatic warming at the beginning of the Holocene, is probably a major cause of the emergence of Mesolithic economies. Beyond this general overview, the data acquired from the different sites reveals a great variability in the number of tools and in the activities carried out by the last hunter-gatherers in each settlement.

These results prove the efficiency of use-wear analysis to approach the economy of human groups in the landscape. In the future, we can be optimistic about identifying the function of settlements and the evolution of mobility patterns in the Mesolithic of Western Europe.

These results are mainly based on the information provided by the unretouched tools and should thus encourage the generalisation of exhaustive approaches of the lithic assemblages, especially for the Mesolithic but also for the Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods. The Renancourt district, located to the west of the town of Amiens, has been known in archaeological literature since the beginning of the 20th century through work carried out by V. Commont in the "ancienne briqueterie Devalois".

Until recently, this open-air site was one of the rare early Upper Palaeolithic records for the whole loess region in the north of France. From the s onwards, and particularly from , the discovery of several sites as part of rescue archaeological operations enhanced the record and improved our knowledge of this period. In , a new concentration of remains, discovered right beside the first excavations undertaken by V. Commont, was brought to light during archaeological assessments linked to a development project. Annual programmed excavations have been conducted since at this site, now called Amiens-Renancourt 1.

The archaeological occupation, located at a depth of 4 m, is in a tundra gley. The loess sequence is about 8 m thick and corresponds mainly to the Upper Weichselian Pleniglacial. The first taphonomic observations point to a layer of remains covered rapidly by loess sedimentation. Six radiocarbon dates are now available and place the occupation between and BP, i.

The excavated surface currently extends over 41 m2. The abundant lithic and bone objects are organized into different concentrations, some of which attain several hundred remains per square metre. The bone remains are relatively well conserved and the dominant species in the faunal spectrum is horse. The lithic industry is in high-quality flint, available immediately beside the site. It is characterized by the production of large blades, sometimes over 20 cm long, obtained with a soft organic hammer, for manufacturing common tools but also several microliths Gravette points.

Separate bladelet production is used for the production of microliths, made up of backed bladelets with abrupt retouch, and several microgravettes. Alongside these remains, several exceptional female statuettes in chalk were discovered with some ornamental elements. A first description of these objects is presented in this article. The whole or fragmented statuettes are of varied dimensions. They show the same stylistic characteristics, that is, overstated feminine attributes, often with full breasts and sometimes buttocks projected towards the rear.

Sea Shepherd : Tolerance zero contre les baleiniers japonais

They are in fairly tender chalk and are often fragmented but are nonetheless conducive to the legible interpretation of manufacturing marks. Two types of personal ornaments were also discovered on the site: Continued research at the "high resolution"site of Amiens-Renancourt 1 will contribute to enhancing our knowledge of the settlement and socio-economic model of groups of hunters in the north of France before the second Weichselian glacial maximum. Previous chrono-cultural attributions pointed to a Final Gravettian age for this site, but current work indicates a Late-Final Gravettian age, which now requires further clarification.

Briand, Meudon Pierre. De nombreux objets de la maison VIII sont uniques absents dans le reste de la collection. Naujan is located on the north coast of Repulse Bay in Eastern Arctic, a region occupied by the Aivilirmiut at the beginning of the 20th century. This site, the first professionally excavated in the Arctic, is generally considered as the "type-site" for the Eastern Arctic Thule culture.

In , during summer, Therkel Mathiassen from the National Museum of Denmark participated in the well-known 5th Thule Expedition led by Knud Rasmussen, and was in charge of the archaeological investigations. With the help of his Greenlandic assistant Jacob Olsen, he carried out excavations during six weeks and brought back a rich collection of artefacts.

Of these about 2, artefacts were recorded from twenty structures. Information on spatial distribution as well as stratigraphic position were also carefully reported, but less precisely for the houses excavated later. Therkel Mathiassen used a continuous numeration for the whole site, the numbers assigned to artefacts corresponding to the order of their discovery.

The present thorough technological study provides new information regarding the manufacturing processes for antler, bone and ivory artefacts. Grooving for the debitage sequence and whittling for the shaping dominate. Our study leads to the conclusion that at least two distinct chronological stages of occupation can be identified.

The Naujan site as a whole can thus no longer be considered as a reference site for a specific Thule phase of the Eastern Arctic occupation. Dans la seconde, le sujet repose sur le fond de la fosse. However, numerous single burials have also been discovered in domestic settlements. One of our purposes is to provide information regarding unpublished or partially unpublished single burials from three sites located in Provence: The second goal is to discuss the meaning of this mortuary practice whereas collective burials are the most frequent funerary treatment documented in this region.

Two silo pits attributable to the Late Neolithic delivered human remains. She was laid prone, without any goods. The pit was filled after the body was deposited. The bones are disarticulated and the body of a young individual is incomplete. No goods are associated with the human remains. The Les Fabrys site Bonnieux, Vaucluse was excavated in the s, over an area of 1, m2. The burial is located at some distance from the domestic settlement.

The limits of the pit were not visible in the subsoil. Two individuals are superposed. The first one, an old woman, was laid on her left side, upper and lower limbs flexed. The body decomposed in an empty space. The second body, incomplete, is separated from the first deposit by a layer of sediment. The young woman lies on her back, the left arm flexed, hand on shoulder. The lower limbs are extended but the thigh is flexed.

No items were found.

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Five pits contained human remains. Two of them belong to the Late Neolithic. Both pits are circular. He was covered by a few stones. He lay on his right side, lower limbs flexed, with no goods. The position of the individual, an adult male, is singular. He was probably not slid into the feature, but deposited, in a seated position, the upper part of his body partially on the lower limbs. Both pits were filled in after the corpses were deposited. In the South of France, Late Neolithic individual burials have been known since the beginning of the 20th century.

They are however more numerous since the development of preventive archaeology. These discoveries shed new light on funerary customs at the end of the Neolithic.

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Collective burials are very well documented and provide a huge number of deceased compared with the Early and Middle Neolithic. These tombs were usually used over a very long period of time and led to commingled assemblages of bones. As a consequence, it is difficult to identify changes in the treatment of bodies over time and between individuals. Moreover, the relations between collective burials and settlements are not very well known. Recently, it has been argued that collective burial gives only the illusion of equality and that people gathered in death enjoyed different social status.

It is also likely that only some of the community members had access to the collective tomb. We may, thus, wonder, where and how the others were treated. We propose that the individual burials associated with domestic contexts could give some clues on this issue.

Most of the burials we list are installed in pits or associated with features related to domestic activities. Very few individuals are associated with grave goods and some of the subjects seem to have been slid down into the pit rather than deposited with care. Such configurations are very well known in the Middle Neolithic and considered as a particular form of treatment devoted to only a small part of the community. We propose that this treatment was, in the Late Neolithic, allotted to individuals who were not allowed burial in the collective tomb.

Remains of babies are rather rare in the Middle and Late Neolithic. However, in this period it seems that they were carefully disposed in close relation to residential features, as in Protohistoric periods and Antiquity, whereas, in the previous period, it is likely that their bodies were thrown into domestic pits or wells. However, in some cases, the grouping of single tombs could have been an alternative to collective graves. Some cultural groups may have had a different ideology and chosen another way of dealing with their dead that probably reflects a different social organization.

Late Neolithic single burials also give new parameters for the discussion of single Bell Beaker graves. This culture has for a long time been associated with the reappearance of the fashion for individual burials. It is more complex than it seems. Firstly, single burials never disappeared in the Late Neolithic. Secondly, they are rather different from single burials containing Bell Beaker items. Funerary items such as daggers and pottery in Bell Beaker single tombs indicate a very different status of the deceased compared with those of the Late Neolithic. Individuality has neither the same value nor the same signification in the Bell Beaker Culture as in the other Late Neolithic cultures.

Human remains in domestic settlements are known on other areas of France, such as the West and South-West, in enclosure ditches. However, single burials in domestic pits are specific to Southern France and probably correspond to configurations known in the Middle Neolithic, reflecting very similar mortuary meanings. Late Neolithic, single burial, mortuary practice, settlement, collective burial, southern France. The site, set at the top of a hill, dominates a landscape open towards the west and the Vie valley and an Early Bronze Age occupation which will soon be excavated.

This site, called Le Vrignoux, is seriously eroded but several pits have been discovered. Pottery has been found in some of them and stelae fragments reused as wedges in others. Study of the pottery, even though the assemblage is modest and very fragmented, allows the ultimate occupation to be dated to the end of the Early Bronze Age or the Middle Bronze Age. Some recent discoveries give a glimpse of pottery production of this period Viau, and , although it is still under-researched.

Chronological attribution is also based on carbon dating of charcoals discovered in the stelae pit, which means these events are broadly simultaneous. The stelae were reused during the Bronze Age, but we sought the original date and context of their erection. The technological study by E. Mens of two complete stelae and parts of four or six others, which are all in granite except one in gneiss , has demonstrated that they were shaped by man.

The stelae are characterized by an apical rostrum over a shoulder, to a greater or lesser degree, which means that we can classify them as anthropomorphic stelae. This general profile refers to many well-known examples in Atlantic Neolithic megalithic art, especially in megalithic architectures dolmens. The unpolished aspect of the representation and the sculpture is a recurrent observation. The Aizenay stelae form part of a series of recent discoveries of small anthropomorphic megaliths in western France: Even if we can observe an important degree of individual variability, these monuments bring to mind famous examples from Switzerland, such as those of Yverdon Voruz, and On the basis of these regional and extra-regional comparisons, the Aizenay stelae can be placed in the Neolithic period, and more precisely in the Middle Neolithic.

The original architecture and structure of this set of stelae, whose geological features are varied, are unknown. One of the most significant points of this excavation is the reuse of stelae at a period subsequent to their erection, during the end of the Early Bronze Age or, more probably, the Middle Bronze Age between the end of the 16th and the first half of the 15th century BC.


In addition to study of the pottery, the date is confirmed by a radiocarbon date from a stratigraphic layer occurring after the most probably voluntary toppling of a stela which was discovered under its foundation pit. Therefore, Bronze Age populations recycled the stelae, probably according to iconoclastic practices which could have multiple meanings , at the same time as they buried the hoard.

It is impossible to date precisely the intentional destruction of some of them, but the loosening of one stela, and pottery items associated with stelae fragments used as wedges in several pits, shows that it undoubtedly took place during the Middle Bronze Age, together with the placing of the hoard of annular ornaments.

The hoard studied by M. Nordez consists of a pile of eight annular bracelets fitted into one another. They are homogeneous in terms of typology. They have an open shape and their internal diameter is from 50 and 60 mm, allowing them to be considered as wrist ornaments. The ends are undifferentiated, abrupt or tapered.

The section is rather thin width is from 4 and 7 mm; thickness is from 3. Although preserved surfaces are few in number, the absence of any decoration should be noted. Several points of comparison can be provided, from the point of view of either typology or the mode of depositing as a pile or heap.

The most obvious is a hoard recently discovered at Saint-Lumine-de-Clisson Loire-Atlantique , 40 km from Aizenay, which includes thirteen bracelets, typologically similar to those of Aizenay Boulud-Gazo et al. The Saint-Lumine hoard defined a new eponymous sort of annular ornament dated from the second Middle Bronze Age. In some hoards, this type co-exists with ribbed bracelets. Despite its poor state of preservation, the Aizenay hoard provides some more interesting information.

Firstly, it is the first regional context that associates a bronze hoard with built structures. Few contemporary examples occur. In addition, the ornaments confirm the archaeological reality of the Saint-Lumine type, which is characterized by slender stem bracelets, without decoration. The deposit modein a pile appears to be a specific and infrequent practice, just like the bracelets morphology. Ebba Olofsson, Tara L. In the mid s the Canadian government implemented a medical mass-survey of Inuit and other Indigenous peoples living in northern Canada, and evacuated those suspected of having tuberculosis to hospitals in the south.

Hospital stays often lasted for years at a time and while some patients were eventually returned to their home communities, many never returned, some because they chose to stay in the south and others because they did not survive their illness. The current study is interested in how hospitalisation in the south affected the identity of Inuit patients, and in particular examines the negotiation of identity as a form of resilience.

This investigation is conducted through life history interviews with Inuit former evacuees in which we explore their experiences of departure, travel, and sojourn in an unfamiliar environment, as well as their lives after the hospital stay. Throughout fieldwork, conflicts occurred between scientists, between community members, and between scientists and community members. As the principal investigator, I confronted one conflict in , but my actions exacerbated long-standing tensions within the community and I was later advised by two community members that I should not have confronted the conflict.

When conflict occurred again in , instead of confronting the conflict, I chose to take a break from the project for several days. The result was that the overt conflict within the community lessened. Based upon these experiences and other examples, I conclude that conflict avoidance still persists among the Ugiuvangmiut. I end with suggestions for scientists conducting fieldwork in the North.

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