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Her goal in writing this book: In Chapter 3 Textbook Race and Chapter 4 Teaching Race we learn how concepts about race are first presented in high-school-level textbooks and then by college professors in lectures, discussion and readings.
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The author is most troubled by the discovery that the presentations are predominantly "essentialist" rather than "constructivist". I am most troubled by the discovery that both textbooks and college professors display considerable difficulty presenting any consistent scientific picture of race.
The quotations from two anthropology professors in the same department Chapter 4, p. If professors cannot do better than this, what can we expect of their students?
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Chapter 4 Learning Race deserves close and critical reading since it tells us intentionally not only how college students conceptualize race but also unintentionally what non-scientific factors the author believes should determine how we are to conceptualize race. The author is be deeply troubled when students "cast race as ethnicity" and expresses her rejection of the students' approach in thoughts such as the following: It appears to me that suddenly we have left the domain of how scientists think about race and have been told to consider a non-scientific factor, the shifting from the "problematic realm of racial difference" to "the less charged discussion of ethnic identity".
My original interest in the literature of American racial classification arose from efforts to find out why American demographers and sociologists so readily base their research on the unscientific categories used by the Census Bureau. Anyone this who has puzzled over this practice hundreds of New York Times readers who commented on articles by Susan Saulny in will find Chapter 6, Race Concepts Beyond the Classroom to be of particular interest.
The author does very well in presenting and commenting on the innumerable inconsistencies and conflicts in the designation of races. She reminds us that the Census Bureau's race categories are not "scientific" but are shaped by the input of "demographers and other social scientists. Given her reports of her personal experience with medical personnel in the United States and Italy it appears that she does believe telling a nurse or physician Only In America which category African American or Black is medically valuable.
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My experience reading medical studies of birthing issues faced by African women in Sweden tells me that stating a race is of little or no value, presenting details about ethnicity is invaluable. Professor Morning apparently does not agree with my view. Space does not permit explaining here.
Her commitment to the use of the word race in every possible setting is the last thing to which I wish to call attention. I found in tens of sentences that I could easily substitute another word for her chosen word - race. This sentence from the conclusion illustrates this commitment and her belief that we must continue to focus on the race of each individual: I simply do not understand this. I meet almost every day individual refugees from just about everywhere.
These refugees, for example Somalis or Kurds or Assyrians, insist on describing themselves in terms of ethnicity or nationality, never in terms of race. Knowing the details of their ethnicity can be important see note above on birthing issues but knowing their race is of no interest, either to me or to the Swedish government and medical care system.
Only in America is race of such importance. Read the book and then ask the American sociologist nearest you why racial terminology is so heartily embraced by them. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers. Learn more about Amazon Giveaway. Set up a giveaway. Customers who viewed this item also viewed. Pages with related products. See and discover other items: There's a problem loading this menu right now.
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East Dane Designer Men's Fashion. The chapter also presents the three main sets of empirical findings. First, the author describes the ways that undergraduates depicted race when asked to define the concept. Second, the author reports the extent to which they agreed with the claim that the species is divided into biological races. And lastly, the author analyzes the ways in which they actually used race as a conceptual tool when asked to explain real-life race differentials in outcomes as diverse as health and professional sports participation.
The final sections of this chapter are keen to the question of which factors, either individual or institutional, seem to help account for variation in college students' conceptualization of race.
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