Guide The Independence of Scotland: Self-Government and the Shifting Politics of Union

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Scottish independence referendum - History of the Union Jack - right to self-determination

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Verified co-principal as a bank. It published its final report - Serving Scotland Better: Scotland and the United Kingdom in the 21st Century - on 15 June , suggesting improvements to the present system while ruling out independence. The public seems broadly unmoved by the clashing perspectives, and a dispassionate observer might have to conclude that both sides have lost the argument. They have lost the assurance of old-style unionists, both Conservative and Labour, who embraced the plurinational reality of the United Kingdom but set their faces against any concession to self-government for the nations.

In that now-vanished landscape, there were many ways of being British - but all political expression passed, at some point, through Westminster. The Scottish parliament opened its proceedings at Holyrood Edinburgh in July Since then, unionists have shifted ground and share with all other parties acceptance of devolution of power; but they seem curiously to have lost their grasp of plurinationalism.

The architects of this debate allow and even celebrate multicultural and plurinational variations, but seek to constrain these within an overarching identity that is itself unitary. Onto this British identity are then loaded all manner of things which, however desirable in themselves, have no necessary connection with it. So a British bill of rights is advocated, but not so much to extend rights as to link them to Britishness against the constituent nations of the United Kingdom and in the case of the Conservatives against Europe. Since Scotland already has the European Convention on Human Rights entrenched in the devolution settlement - which applies directly in devolved matters unlike at Westminster and which is unconnected with national identity and citizenship - it is difficult to see what a British charter could add.

British Academy

This implies that social citizenship must necessarily be British, in the face of evidence that distinct forms of social citizenship may be emerging in the devolved territories which are certainly no less solidaristic and probably more so than those prevailing at the UK level. Meanwhile, by focusing so exclusively on Britishness, unionists have left the nationalists to establish a monopoly over Scottish identity - something that old unionists would never have allowed.

The nationalists, for their part, have failed to articulate a coherent vision of a renewed Scottish nation or an independence project.

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What is more serious is the lack of a project for society in the SNP vision. Europe has for the last twenty years been an essential part of the independence recipe but SNP attitudes to Europe share the ambivalence of British policies. The SNP also proposes to keep the pound sterling pending a decision on entry into the eurozone, ignoring the fact that acceptance of the euro requires both a pre-planned programme of convergence and a great deal of economic restructuring. Several of the smaller European democracies have achieved the necessary flexibility through forms of concerted action and social cooperation very different from the policy-style that has prevailed in Britain since